China wraps up 20th Party Congress with Xi set to become most powerful leader in decades

Delegates attend the closing ceremony on October 22.

Several phrases have been added to the Communist Party’s constitution, the Party Congress announced today — but there’s no mention of changing the existing phrasing around Xi Jinping’s political ideology, already enshrined in the document.

New additions: “Struggle,” or “fighting spirit” has been added to the charter — a term Xi has used often when speaking about challenges or perceived threats against China such as foreign forces, reflecting the country’s increasingly assertive stance on the world stage.

The phrase “common prosperity” will also be added. Throughout Xi’s time in office, he has launched a national campaign under this phrase, pushing to redistribute wealth in the world’s second-largest economy — which coincides with a regulatory crackdown on industries from technology and education to gaming and entertainment.

Use of the phrase stretches back to the time of Chairman Mao Zedong, who invoked “common prosperity” when advocating for dramatic economic reforms to take power away from rich landlords and farmers, the rural elite.

The constitution also added phrases that stressed the dominant position of the state sector, or public sector, in China’s beleaguered economy — and emphasizing the “socialist market economic system.”

But no changes to “Xi Jinping Thought”: At the last Party Congress in 2017, delegates voted to make “Xi Jinping Thought on Socialism with Chinese Characteristics for a New Era” a guiding principle for the party — enshrining Xi’s political ideology into the party constitution.

Ahead of the Party Congress, there was speculation the constitution could be amended yet again to shorten that phrase to simply “Xi Jinping Thought” — which would have further cemented his authority, and placed him on the same level as former leaders such as Mao Zedong and Deng Xiaoping.

There was no mention of any such change at the Party Congress.

Attendees await the start of the closing ceremony of the on October 22.

The nearly 2,300 delegates at the Party Congress have just rubber-stamped the work report that Chinese leader Xi Jinping had laid out last Sunday, during the opening of the event.

The approval is a mere formality. When the hall was asked for dissenting votes by raising their hands, a chorus of “no” rippled across the room, before the delegates applauded the formal approval of the report.

The work report: Xi read the report in a nearly two-hour speech that covered the party’s achievements while glossing over domestic problems in the past five years, as well as its priorities and goals for the coming five. It touched on geopolitical hotspots such as Taiwan and Hong Kong – as well as more domestic policies including zero-Covid and the need to revive economic growth.

He did not read the entirety of the report, however, with the full version published online.

During the last Party Congress in 2017, Xi had “outlined a vision for China and a very rough road map to achieve the vision,” Tsang added. By comparison, this time “he merely reiterated the importance of doubling down, particularly when faced with headwinds” — namely foreign rivals such as the US.

In laying out these challenges, Xi essentially “demanded the people of China to follow (him and the Communist Party) even more strongly … This is good news for Xi, but bad news for China and the rest of the world,” Tsang said.

China’s foreign policy: Victor Shih, an expert on elite Chinese politics at the University of California San Diego, said the work report suggested that China could combine its efforts on domestic and international security.

“That ultimately could translate to policies like sanctions against foreign companies, more red tape when there is foreign investment in Chinese technology companies,” he said.

Xi Jinping speaks during the opening session of the National Congress of the Communist Party of China on October 16 in Beijing.

In Xi Jinping’s speeches, government statements and headlines across Chinese state media, you’ll come across several repeated phrases that have become buzzwords under Xi’s leadership.

They reflect his ambitions for China on the world stage – as well as his own efforts to consolidate power at home. Here are a few common phrases:

The Chinese dream: Xi began using this signature slogan just weeks after coming to power in 2012, which has since shaped many of his policies at home and abroad. It’s often used interchangeably with “the great revival” or “rejuvenation of the Chinese nation” — illustrating a vision to restore China to its past glory as one of the greatest civilizations in the world.

To some extent, Xi has delivered on that promise, transforming China into a wealthy major power with a modern military and advanced tech sector.

But Xi’s vision has also seen a sweeping crackdown in Hong Kong, mass incarceration and surveillance in Xinjiang, intensified repression and censorship across the country — and growing public disillusionment as China’s economy faces mounting challenges.

Core of the Party: Xi was formally named “the core of the Chinese Communist Party” in 2016 – a highly symbolic title. It was originally granted to Communist China founder Mao Zedong and two of his successors, Deng Xiaoping and Jiang Zemin.

It established Xi as a strongman leader, rejecting the system of collective leadership Deng had helped establish. He has since consolidated his power by purging political enemies, silencing internal dissent, abolishing presidential term limits and enshrining “Xi Jinping Thought” into the party’s constitution.

He further codified his authority last year when the party adopted a landmark resolution pledging to “resolutely uphold Comrade Xi Jinping’s core position on the Central Committee and in the Party as a whole.”

Hostile forces: Since Xi took power, he has ramped up efforts to strengthen national security — including a campaign to weed out foreign espionage and “hostile forces” supposedly seeking to infiltrate and undermine the country in every possible way, a narrative pushed by Chinese officials and state media.

For years, authorities have encouraged the public to inform on foreign spies and their Chinese collaborators through propaganda and incentives, even offering cash rewards up to and above $15,000 for tip-offs about people who endanger national security.

China’s growing suspicion toward foreign influences stems partly from its growing geopolitical rivalry with the West, especially the United States, as the country turns more authoritarian at home.

Xi Jinping is applauded by senior members of the government and delegates as he walks to the podium before his speech during the opening session on October 16.

Observers of the Party Congress are watching today for two potential announcements — which could further cement Chinese leader Xi Jinping’s power if they happen.

Xi could receive a new title or honorific — such as “chairman” or “people’s leader.”

These titles are highly symbolic, in part due to their history — something Xi is well aware of, having previously adopted titles used by former leaders, experts say.

“Rhetoric is a serious, high-stakes game for the Chinese Communist Party. It has a decades-long history of specialized vocabularies to signal  its power and priorities,” said David Bandurski, director of the China Media Project.

For instance, Xi was formally named “the core of the Chinese Communist party” in 2016 – a title originally granted to Mao, then his successors Deng and Jiang Zemin.

Xi’s political philosophy could be truncated in the constitution. At the last Party Congress in 2017, delegates voted to make “Xi Jinping Thought on Socialism with Chinese Characteristics for a New Era” a guiding principle for the party — enshrining Xi’s political ideology into the party constitution.

Now, there’s speculation the constitution could be amended yet again to shorten that phrase to simply “Xi Jinping Thought” — an act known as “name crowning,” said Bandurksi.

Shortening it “will truly be his crowning moment,” he added.

Chen Gang, Senior Research Fellow National University of Singapore’s East Asian Institute, said that would indicate “Xi has achieved political authority on a par with Mao, or at least Deng Xiaoping.”

The delegates at the 20th Party Congress have selected the members of the Central Committee, the Chinese Communist Party’s principle leadership body, according to state-run news agency Xinhua.

The body is comprised of about 200 full members and another roughly 200 alternatives.

While votes for the body are held at the Party Congress, this is widely viewed as a formality – not a true election process. Instead, the real decisions are believed to be made during an opaque process involving top leaders that begins long before the Congress.

Party hierarchy: There are three distinct rings of power. The Central Committee includes the members of the upper echelon: the 25-member Politburo and its Standing Committee – China’s most powerful decision-making body, typically composed of five to nine men and led by the general secretary — Xi Jinping.

A medical staff member inside an isolation ward at in Wuhan on March 10, 2020.

Speaking before some 2,300 mostly surgical-mask clad Communist Party members at the Party Congress opening last Sunday, Xi Jinping gave a sweeping endorsement of China’s Covid controls.

The impact of those controls is becoming sharper, as lockdowns – which have repeatedly left people struggling for access to food and medicine and grappling with lost income and a mental toll – have become more frequent.

Last month, CNN counted more than 70 Chinese cities placed under full or partial Covid lockdowns in a period of a couple weeks, impacting more than 300 million people.

The cost of zero-Covid: “Maintaining the zero-Covid strategy is now substantially more costly than it was a year ago, because the latest (viral) strains are so much more transmissible and outbreaks are occurring more frequently,” said epidemiologist Ben Cowling of the University of Hong Kong.

Covid is also no longer as big a threat with the availability of vaccines and antivirals, he said, adding: “I think the point has already been crossed where continuing zero-Covid could be considered a cost-effective strategy.”

Why China is sticking with it: Xi’s proclaimed success over the virus and China’s accompanying propaganda campaign is one reason why it may be difficult for China to change course.

He added that China’s handling of the virus in comparison to other countries remains a point of national pride for many Chinese.

And backing away from the policy will come with significant consequences. Allowing the virus to spread within the country of 1.4 billion would likely increase Covid-19 deaths to unseen levels in the country, experts say – and China so far has staked its policy around preventing those outcomes at all costs.

Read the full analysis here.

As a new, deadly virus overtook the central city of Wuhan and spread throughout China in early 2020, the country’s ruling Communist Party and its leader Xi Jinping were faced with a crisis on a scale not seen in decades.

In Wuhan, there was chaos. The city shut itself off from the outside world, while hospitals were overrun with the sick and dying — but it was too late to stop the virus’ advance. Huge swaths of China, too, locked down, grinding the country to a halt. Online, public outrage over apparent delays in the official release of information — and the silencing of whistleblowers — lit up social media faster than the censors could repress it.

Outside China, observers watching the start of what would become the Covid-19 pandemic began to ask: could this be a catastrophe so big it calls into question the legitimacy of the Communist Party and its leader?

Nearly three years later, however, Xi is poised to cement his place as China’s most powerful leader in decades, when he is anointed with a likely norm-breaking third term as the party chief this weekend.

In the months following that initial outbreak, Xi oversaw the assembly of a toolbox of brute-force lockdowns, enforced quarantines, and digital tracking. All that was used to bring the virus to heel and largely keep it outside China’s shuttered borders — an approach that initially appeared to earn broad public support as China lived largely virus-free and the pandemic raged overseas.

But, now, as Xi steps into an expected new era of his rule, that system — known today as the “dynamic zero-Covid” policy — is facing both social and economic pushback.

China’s Covid future: As China’s Communist Party National Congress closes Saturday, many are watching for signs restrictions could be loosened.

But with Xi having personally tied himself to the policy, any change would need to come straight from the top — and from a leader, who throughout his rule, has sought to extend, not curtail, the party’s control on daily life.

Read the full analysis:

Epidemic prevention personnel disinfect an area for nucleic acid sampling in Guiyang, Guizhou province, China, Sept 15, 2022.

Related article Under Xi Jinping, zero-Covid is accelerating China's surveillance state | CNN

At this year’s 20th Party Congress, observers are paying particular attention to attendees from China’s beleaguered private sector.

Aside from officials and political leaders, the nearly 2,300 delegates at the congress also include professionals from different sectors.

But as the fallout continues over Xi Jinping’s unprecedented crackdown on private enterprise, there’s speculation the number of non-state employees attending the congress could be shrinking — especially if the last few congresses are anything to go by.

Shrinking numbers: At the 18th Party Congress in 2012 — where Xi was appointed head of the Communist Party, replacing former leader Hu Jintao — there were 34 attendees from the private sector.

At the time, China’s economy was booming as it integrated more closely with the rest of the world. Just four years before, China had stunned the world with the extravagant Beijing Summer Olympics. 

But five years later at the 19th Party Congress in 2017, as Xi further consolidated power and purged political enemies, that number had fallen to 27.

Crackdown on capital: Then in 2020, Beijing launched a sweeping crackdown on some of the country’s biggest private enterprises, moving to restrict what it saw as overly powerful companies, especially in Big Tech.

But it’s come at a heavy cost. More than $1 trillion has been wiped off the market value of Alibaba and Tencent — the crown jewels of China’s tech industry — over the last two years. Sales growth in the sector has slowed, and tens of thousands of employees have been laid off, leading to record youth unemployment.

Murky numbers this year: So far there have been no state media reports or government statements on the number of attendees not employed by the state – or much coverage at all of the private sector’s significance or contribution to the economy, in contrast to previous congresses.

However, a glance at the full list of delegates shows there are several high-profile entrepreneurs, who had attended previous congresses, missing this year — such as equipment manufacturer Sany Group’s Chairman Liang Wengen.

And during Xi’s opening speech last Sunday, he emphasized the need to continue the party’s “anti-monopoly” crackdown and regulate “excessive incomes,” a sign that he will continue to get tough on big businesses and wealthy individuals.

As the country’s political elite prepare to approve new leaders at the Party Congress, Xi finds himself with an advantage after largely eliminating his rivals in the past decade.

Soon after he came into office in 2012, Xi unleashed a sweeping anti-corruption campaign, which not only targeted corrupt officials, but also his political enemies.

He oversaw the spectacular downfall of powerful figures such as Zhou Yongkang, a former Politiburo Standing Committee member and security czar who was jailed for life, and Xu Caihou, a top army general who died of cancer after being expelled from the party.

In less than nine years, 392 senior officials and millions of party cadres have been investigated. Those left knew total loyalty was required for survival.

These targets, sometimes called the “tigers and flies,” ranged from powerful party leaders to lowly officials. A number of rising political stars have also been struck down — such as Sun Zhengcai, former party secretary of the southwestern metropolis Chongqing, who was removed in 2017 in the lead-up to the 19th Party Congress.

The purge has also intensified in recent months, ahead of the Party Congress; in late September, former deputy public security minister Sun Lijun was sentenced to life in prison on corruption charges, after being accused of leading a “political clique” in China’s security establishment.

Several other members were identified as part of the “political clique” and handed long prison sentences in September.

What this means for Xi: The crackdown, combined with a number of other measures, have concentrated power in Xi’s hands, with his allies in high positions and no room for internal dissent.

But, some experts say, this also risks sowing resentment in the party toward Xi, which could cause problems in the long term — and it leaves little space in which to groom a successor.

Delegates attend the opening ceremony of the 20th National Congress of China's ruling Communist Party at the Great Hall of the People in Beijing on October 16.

China’s 20th Communist Party Congress ends Saturday after several days of mostly closed-door meetings, with Xi Jinping expected to seal a norm-breaking third five-year term as leader.

The next day, Xi will likely preside over the announcement of the party’s new Politburo Standing Committee, its elite decision making body, which analysts this year expect to be stacked with Xi loyalists.

Secret negotiations: Watchers of elite Chinese politics believe the decisions over who will fill these top spots are typically made during months of back-room negotiations between top party leaders, where different power players or factions will typically try and advance their candidates, with choices settled well before the Congress starts.

This time, Xi is believed to have largely eliminated his rivals and dampened the lingering power of party elders, who in the past were thought to have played a strong role in such decision-making.

The lineup reveal — who is in and who is out — will be the first clear indicator as to just how much Xi has been able to consolidate power.

Read the full explainer here.